Current Sikh History

FACTORS IN CURRENT SIKH HISTORY (1947-2000)

By
Dr. Sangat Singh ji


It is proposed to deal here with the Sikh situation as it emerged since
August 15, 1947, the decolonization of the sub-continent, also termed as
India’s independence.

I
The Sikhs had been one of the three political parties with whom the British had negotiated. The Muslims of North West and Eastern India got independence with Mohammad Ali Jinnah emerging us father of the nation, of a brand new nation. The Hindus almost got two-thirds, if not three fourths of the area, to administer according to their will. This virtually becomes part of Hindu India with (Mahatma) M.K. Gandhi being acclaimed as father of the nation, for certain mischievous reasons. India was not a nation in 1944 when Subhash Chandra Bose used the term for the first time for his own reasons.
Nor was it a nation in December 1946 when Jawaharlal Nehru used the term in the Constituent Assembly Debates, nor it became one in April 1947 when
Sarojini Naidu used the term at Asia Relations Conference. It did not become
One on 14/15 August 1947 when country was partitioned in two/three pieces.
Gandhi, however, had become a father figure, in 1933, of caste-Hindus when
he bamboozled Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar to accept a subordinate position for the
Scheduled castes vis-à-vis caste Hindus. His position among caste Hindus was
Acknowledged. The only third explanation could be that Congress Party itself
Had become a nation - which no one contends. The Muslims of U.P., C.P.,
Bombay or Madras Presidencies lay silenced because of their guilt complex in
fathering the movement for Pakistan. The only people left out were the
Sikhs, with whom the British had negotiated, but who now were neglected and
no one in Congress thought of even consulting them. They had been
Marginalized. So by default, Gandhi instead of being called father of the
Hindu nation, came to be termed as father of the Indian nation (!) and
Hindus excelled each other in perpetuating this myth.
Another factor that needs to be taken into consideration is failure of
Akalis to negotiate ironclad guarantees for Sikhs vis-à-vis Hindus. The
Akalis spoke on February 21, 1947, of a Hindu-Sikh province. On April 21,
Swaran Singh and Bhim Sen Sachar demanded division of Punjab into two or
three autonomous provinces — a three way division of Punjab meant separation
of Haryana. The Sikhs must have sought three-way division of Punjab between
Muslims and non-Muslims and another division of residue Punjab between Hindu
And non-Hindus. The Sikh themselves remained divided. The only person who
could have sought such a solution was Giani Kartar Singh. Nehru played with
The Mountbatten proposal for three way division of Punjab between Hindus and
non-Hindus, whereas Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel assured Chaudhri Lahri Singh
of Haryana that no such division was on cards. Mountbatten himself could not
press the point, as he was seeking the office of Governor General in new
India, shorn of Pakistan.
When the Sikhs cast their lot with the residue Hindu India, on 3 June 1947,
they were a completely defeated lot, with Muslims in Western region, for
what was to be Pakistan, looking ravishingly at them.
The only sensible decision taken by Giani Kartar Singh, and through him, the
Sikh leadership was the mass-migration of the Sikhs from, what was to be
Pakistan to a what was considered a joint Hindu-Sikh province. That was the
only sensible decision. It was conveyed to Mountbatten, Jinnah and Nehru,
with a stipulation that Muslims from eastern Punjab shall have to move over
to western Punjab. That was not unacceptable to Jinnah. Nehru and Gandhi had
to follow suit - the only stipulation being Gandhi’s desire not to disturb
them beyond Punjab. The upper caste Muslims from U.P., C.P., Bombay and
Madras presidencies did leave for Pakistan, but by and large, the Muslims of
lower classes especially, and middle classes generally, remained in Hindu
India. They lay low. Those Muslims in Constituent Assembly, who stood up for
Muslim cause, were told point blank by Sardar Patel to packup and go to
Pakistan. Similarly, Muslims in Kashmir were told later by Jawaharlal Nehru
that if they opted for their co-religionist or even independence, away from
the Hindus, their co-religionists in India shall have to pay the price of an
unmitigated Hindu India. This was offered as a quid pro quo.
The Congress throughout the period, except for a year following the 1946
election, remained on the sidelines in Punjab, and was a retrogressive
organisation. It remained divided into two wings — one carrying Hindu
chauvinist interests seeking to absorb Sikhism within it, the other seeking
to carry the Sikhs along with itself. One was aligned with Nehru, the other
with Sardar Patel. It is herein that a conflict lay between them for the
post August 1947 or post-independence era.

II

In the post August 1947 era, it was not long that the Sikhs were put on
downhill journey. The coalition government of the Akalis with the one or the
other section of the Congress, led respectively by Gopi Chand Bhargava or
Bhim Sen Sachar and again Bhargava, continued.
It were the Sikhs throwing in their lot with the Hindus that brought in half
of Punjab, that made it possible for division of Bengal, and the whole of
Jammu & Kashmir, apart from certain states in Punjab and Himachal Pradesh.
But the Hindu War Lord were not appeased.
The immediate problems that faced the Sikhs after Radcliffe award was
transfer of certain villages to make for homogeneous borders. For instance,
the Union Government sought for and got one village transferred to Pakistan
to get a village associated with the martyrdom of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and
Sukhdev in 1931. It, however, did not move Pakistan for a similar transfer
of a village to get to India Kartarpur-off-Ravi, the place where Guru Nanak
had toiled for the last 18 years of life. My talks with Pakistan High
Commissioner in New Delhi in 1970s indicated that Pakistan was not un-ready
for such a transfer.
The main problems facing the Sikhs in post 1947 era were the constitutional
problems. The Sikhs here faced an uphill task, a task in which they had
failed miserably before August 1947. Now the Hindus had the full
stranglehold.
On 15 August 1947, with Radcliffe award still a few days away, the Sikhs
still faced the migration problem. Then fallowed the circular letter issued
on October 10 by East Punjab Governor Chandulal Trivedi, with Gandhi’s
blessing’s that the Sikhs constituted a menace especially to Punjabi Hindu
as he was “actuated by desire for women and loot.” Apart from the adverse
reports he was getting from Pakistan, Gandhi himself started berating the
Sikhs as if Punjab was an exceptional province. Gandhi’s objectives were
clear when he wanted the Sikhs to treat Guru Nanak as an avatar of Vishnu,
or forego the embelms given to them by Guru Gobind Singh. These two issues
were at the root of the Sikh constitutional problem. Gandhi’s murder at the
hands of a fanatic Hindu on January 30, 1948, came as an eye-opener to the
Sikhs. They at the time, took the most wisest decision to dissociate
themselves from Hindus in the ongoing man-slaughter of Muslims in India.
Master Tara Singh of Shiromani Akali Dal was arrested for the first time in
February 1949 over the issue of addressing the Sikhs in Gurdwara Rakab Ganj,
Delhi, and not released for quite some time. Only four of the 31 Sikh
scheduled castes and that too in Punjab only were to be given the concession
for Hindu scheduled castes. This meant a lot of scheduled castes, especially
in U.P. going over to Hindu side. It is not the scope of the present work to
go into the goings on in the Constituent Assembly. Suffice it to say that
the issues which were dealt with liberally in the beginning, were reopened
maliciously. The Hindu members of the Constituent Assembly were now in a
most hilarious mood. The Muslims and Christians had made themselves
irrelevant. The only two representatives of Shiromani Akali Dal, S. Hukam
Singh and S. Bhupinder Singh Mann, opposed the adoption of the constitution,
but it was adopted by the Hindus because of their numbers. The Sikhs by end
1949 had been thrown out of the constitution. Despite its being in force
only for a year, to begin with, it was amended time and again, as if it were
a piece of paper, to beat it out of shape, and give it a Nehruvian face.
Even Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar, the framer of the constitution said in Rajya
Sabha, not long thereafter, that he would be the first to burn it.
Meanwhile, the Akalis to get maximum benefits under a constitution that was
being hammered, decided under the leadership of Giani Kartar Singh, to shun
political activity and join the Congress. It was another matter that this
was not ratified but that only happened to be a paper decision. The
practical impact was that all Akalis, except Hukam Singh and Bhupinder Singh
Mann who were elected to the Lok Sabha during this interregnum, joined the
Congress legislative parties.
There were, however, a number of shortfalls. One was the legacy of Gandhi
who was satisfied only by the Sikhs giving up their separate identity.
The second was Sardar Patel, who to begin with was not against the Sikhs,
as, for instance, in calling PEPSU, a Sikh Majority area, as a Sikh
Homeland. But, he soon was put under pressure by Nehru who played up on
Patel’s softcorner for RSS, which had put Gandhi to death ; Nehru was also
able to give a direction to Patel’s ire against the Sikhs, especially the
question of their identity.
Third and last was Jawaharlal Nehru himself. He was not only a son of Gangu
Brahmin family, but carried the animus against the Sikhs to the latter half
of 20th century. The land grant to Raj Kaul, Gangu Brahmin’s son in 1716,
was confiscated by the Mughals during S. Baghel Singh’s, occupation of Delhi
around 1782, and Nehruvian sources are quite silent on that, as that
constitutes a scar on their history. To be fair to Baghel Singh, it must be
stated that he failed to spot Gangu’s heritage because of quick change of
nomenclature from Kaul to Nehru — the nehr, canal in Andha Mughal on which
the Jagir was located. This, however, constituted a most valid reason for
the treatment meted out to the Sikhs in 20th century.
The Sikh leadership which faced the Nehruvian onslaught — of Nehru, Indira
Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and others in the following period — was not even aware
of this Nehruvian legacy. So continues to be the position with Parkash Singh
Badal and the present Sikh leadership. They have yet to learn from the
historical forces at play.
Another factor that has emerged as a constant factor has been the denial of
Punjabi language by a section of Punjabis, specially urban Hindus. This
started way back in 1948, and took a pro Hindi role in 1951 census
operations. This had the tacit Hindu support—the support of Hindu leaders
including Jawaharlal Nehru, the so called socialist leader. The position
continues to be the same, even with the Punjab urban Hindu throwing in his
lot with the Jan Singh, now known as Bhartiya Janta Party. This party is not
interested in either Punjab issues or throwing in its lot on Chandigarh, a
Hindu dominated area. The Punjabi Hindu is not interested in a linguistic
reorganisation of Punjab, leaving only a small area to join their
co-religionist Jats across the U.P. The U.P. Hindu leadership which has been
in power at the Centre, too has not been interested in a linguistic
reorganisation of Punjab with only some parts going over to U.P., even now,
when U.P. is due for a linguistic reorganisation. The BJP, besides, has
developed a Rashtriya Sikh Sangat with surrogate Sikhs, apart from the Sikhs
belonging to the Sikhs of Sant Samaj, who are due to play a dubious role.
About that later.




III
During the last phase of Sardar Patel’s existence, Jawaharlal Nehru thought
that the Congress had been overwhelmed by the forces of Hindu chauvinism.
After Sardar Patel’s death, Nehru busied himself with orienting those
forces towards fealty for himself personally. He was not bothered about
Hindu communalism as such, except that he ousted Purushottam Das Tandon from
the Congress Presidency.
So far as the Sikh are concerned, in the words or S. Hukam Singh (Spokesman,
January 16, 1952) Jawaharlal Nehru was a “Goebblian-liar — a political
cheat, deceiver and double dealer in the service of Indian reaction.” He
practised political communalism against the Sikhs on a large scale. Whenever
an issue concerning the Sikhs came up, Nehru lost his cool detached
intellect, and emitted uncontrolled emotional outburst fuelled by wild
passions.
Before the first general elections, Nehru dubbed the demand for linguistic
reorganisation of Punjab as the demand for a “Sikh state”, stated that he
would not permit what he termed “partition,” and threatened the Sikhs a mass
migrate in case of a Punjabi speaking state. Muslims were not threatened
with mass-migration for demanding Pakistan, but the Sikhs were, for only
demanding linguistic reorganisation.
The Sikh victory in PEPSU and induction of Gian Singh Rarewala as first
non-Congress Chief Minister in a state was glaring to Nehru. All element
were deployed for Presidents rule there.
The States Reorganisation Commission came forth in an unseemly manner. Nehru
could not tolerate Delhi Chief Minister Brahm Prakash advocating a Jat
state, commensurate to Punjabi Suba in Punjab. Nehrus briefing to the SRC
was quite categorical, and so was the SRC report asking for merge of Punjab
and PEPSU. The Congress meet at Amritsar in 1956 came as a rude shock at the
quantum of Sikh discontent and international glare. This resulted in
hammering out of the Regional formula, for Punjabi and Hindi regions of
Punjab. The Hindu and Sikh scheduled castes too got same benefits. This came
as a shock to Punjabi Hindu who marshalled Hindus from Madhya Pradesh to
carry on agitation for them. Partap Singh Kairon a Sikh who had only
recently been inducted as Chief Minister of Punjab was too willing to play
to the Hindu game plan, and obviate the Sikh demand. He came quite handy to
Nehru. Another person to fall in the same category was Dr. Gopal Singh
Dardi, who, however, benefitted greatly in one post after another. The
position of the Sikhs was rightly dubbed as that of mercenary. Bombay and
Punjab were the only states kept bilingual. After bifurcation of Bombay, the
case for Punjab weakened. Master Tara Singh also got a mandate at the 1959
elections to SGPC. Tara Singh, however, blundered at the fast launched by
Sant Fateh Singh. During talks with Sant Fateh Singh, Nehru only talked of
Punjabi Hindus , Hindus and Hindu, in religious terms, and not as a
linguistic minority.
Tara Singh was, however, outwitted at Bhavnagar talks with Nehru, when the
latter threatened him with genocide, and what not. Though Sant Fateh Singh
broke his fast, it was not long that Tara Singh lost politically. This gave
rise to Fateh Singh, as also Partap Singh Kairon. Kairon also marshalled
three-four white lecturers at Baring Union Christian College, Batala,
marshalled Jat Sikh lectures, of course, clean shaven at Chandigarh, and
started talking of Jat culture etc. to down Tara Singh, a Khatri. Since I
have given in detail in a paper on “MecLeod and Fenech as Scholars on
Sikhism and Martyrdom” separately, how this work was performed, I need not
go into details here. This also led to spectacular rise of Sant Fateh Singh,
who, however, gained because of induction of both Communist and Congressite
infiltrators into Akali Dal. It was because of this alignment that Gurcharan
Singh Tohra later gained Presidency of SGPC in January 1973 and remained at
the top for almost 25 years.
Shastri had no personal animus against the Sikhs. But his hands were tied,
firstly, because Nehruvian notes were still fresh, and, secondly, his Home
Minister, Gulzari Lal Nanda, started taking Nehruvian line favouring Punjabi
Hindus. Then quickly followed Shastri’s death and induction of Nehru’s
daughter, Indira Gandhi as Prime Minister. Panjabi Suba could still have
been far away, but for the fortuitous circumstance of Hukam Singh being
leader of the Parliamentary Committee on Punjabi Suba.
Indira surpassed the Committee and announced formation of a Punjabi Suba,
with Shah Commission to suggest boundaries. Shah Commission’s was a command
performance. This resulted in Chandigarh being kept a Union territory, apart
from other links some of which were soon done away with, while others not.
It was an incomplete Punjabi Suba, completely unsatisfactory to the Sikhs.
Meanwhile Tara Singh group of Akalis had graduated to asking for a Sikh
homeland.



IV
After 1967 there were a couple of Akali led state Ministries in Punjab,
which also saw Green Revoluation. The Sikhs also spread widely in the
diapsora, especially England, Canada and USA, with some Sikhs from East
Africa also going to those lands. There was spurt in Sikh presence all
around, and Sikhs seemed to be in up spirit.
Then followed the usual Hindu pinpricks, with Giani Zail Singh and Darbara
Singh taking the place of Partap Singh Kairon, since deceased.
These led to the now famous Anandpur Sahib Resolution, a work mainly of S.
Kapur Singh, under the aegis of a united Akali Dal. It is another matter
that two more versions of the Resolution are available; its is the main
resolution that is applicable.
Mention may be made here of Indira’s dependence on leftists after split in
the Congress party, and her induction of pseudo leftist, Nurul Hasan as
Union Education Minister, to bring in so-called leftist scholars at the helm
in universities and institutions, with official patronage. In the Punjab,
services of pseudo—Sikh intellectuals and certain foreign scholars at Baring
Union Christian College, Batala, were also requisitioned to falsify the Sikh
studies. Since I have gone into details in a separate study, “McLeod and
Fenech as Scholars of Sikhism and Martyrdom”, I need not detain myself here.
Suffice it to say that they did a lot of distortion of Sikhism and Sikh
studies, to beat it out of shape.

V
In 1947, at the time of decolonisation of the subcontinent, there were a lot
of Hindu in Punjab who passed themselves as Sehajdhari Sikhs. They would go
to the Sikh Gurdwara, recite Sikh prayers of Japji, Sukhmani, Rahiras, etc,
and participate in Sikh festivals. This was despite the Punjabi Hindus in
Punjab Legislative Assembly disowning Sikhism and Sikh ethos. Not
surprisingly, such Punjabi Hindus incaluded udasis, nirmalas, too. That
constituted a big loss as nirmalas and udasis, a part of Gurdwara
management, had played their role in propagation of the Sikh faith.
This process of Sikhisation of Punjab-Hindu started in 1923-24, at the time
of severe Hindu-Muslim riots in Punjab and NWFP, starting with Kohat. These
riots were confined purely to Hindus on the one side and Muslims on the
other. Since the Sikh were severely seized of their distinct identity for
the last couple of decades, they kept themselves strictly aloof. Earlier
there were attempts to pass on the Sikhs as part of Hindus, but that was a
thing of the past, of the 19th century. But the Singh Sabha had brought
about the awakening among the Sikhs. Giani Ditt Singh and Bhai Kahn Singh
Nabha’s Hum Hindu Nahin, We are not Hindu, had played a signal role in
de-hinduisation of the Sikhs. Even (Mahatma) M.K. Gandhi who visited Lahore,
Punjab, during 1923-24, was struck at the new situation, and kept his hands
rubbing. He was convinced that Sikhs were Hindu, and even if they were not,
he should subvert their loyalty to emerge as the saint to patronise the
Hindu fold, which was at the receiving end.
In 1923-24, the Sikhs, as stated earlier, kept themselves strictly aloof
from the Hindu-Muslim fracas. They rather played a constructive role in
bringing about rapprochement between the two sections, and earned the
gratuity of the authorities. But now, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, who
otherwise was playing a distinct pro-Sikh role as against M.K. Gandhi and
Punjabi Hindus like Raja Narendra Nath and Gokal Chand Narang, wanted to
involve the Sikhs on the side of Punjabi Hindu. He, with the tacit consent
of Gandhi and others, gave a call that all Punjabi-Hindus should bring up
their elder son as a Sikh. This was a very clever device to enmesh Sikhism
in Hinduism. It was as a result of this call, partially, that Punjabi Hindu
started, rather continued, their involvement with Sikh bani, seriptures.
There is no denying the fact that Sikhism came out a net gainer. There were
a lot of Hindu women marrying into Sikh families. Also, a number of educated
Hindus joined the fold of Khalsa to get recruitment, especially in the army.
A lot of those who joined the Khalsa remained firmly oriented to the new
fold. But there were also a number of others who continued to be an element
causing confusion. In the post-1947 era, when Hindu emerged as the ruling
race especially after 1950-51, when a section of politically conscious
Punjab Hindu, specially Arya Samajists, gave a call to disown Punjabi
language for Hindi, there was a lot of confusion.
The Hindus in their arrogance threw the Sikh out of the constitutional
framework in 1949. Then followed the move for Punjabi Suba, a purely
linguistic get together, but this was given the meaning by Gangu-putra
Nehrus, as a move for a Sikh state. Also, migration that was not threatened
to Muslims, was thought of as a solution to the Sikh problem. It was this
communal approach of Congressites, of Gandhians, Nehruites etc., that caused
a schism between the Sikh and Hindus, who looked to greener pastures for
their self interest. There saw gradual dwindling of sehajdhari Sikhs among
Hindu. One can say, without fear of contradiction, that their number
dwindled significantly by mid-1960s. Now, going to a Gurdwara by a Punjabi
Hindu became a pejorative term, a thing that was to be avoided.
Another factor that was to be kept in view in post-1947 era, especially
after 1950, was that it were the Arya Samajist elements who had a upper hand
with Nehruvian Congress, and anti Sikhism came as an article of faith with
these elements. Nehru’s supremacy did not play a mean role. In due course
anti-Sikhism came out to be associated with nationalism, though mercenary
Sikhs in Government and non-government organisations, without some of them
recognising their role, were not unwelcome. The role of Sikh soldiers in
1962 and 1965 was only considered as a mercenary role, whatever the Sikhs
might regard themselves. The Congress, or the Government whether of Nehru or
his daughter Indira, looked them only in that light. The parting of ways was
clear, as may be seen in Hindu viewpoint about the problems agitating Punjab
in post Punjabi-Suba phase, merger of Chandigarh, Punjabi speaking Hindu
dominant area, or river waters of Punjab.
With the coming up of Rashtrya Sikh Sangat as a subsidiary of Rastrya Swym
Sevak Sangh, and alignment of some Sikhs, including clergy, apart from the
opportunistic Sant Samaj with them, the situation is changing. A full scale
invasion of Sikh boundaries specially with Bhartya Jan Sangh’s coming into
powers at the centre is fast taking place.
Now, these days the travel is rather the other way round. A number of Sikh
youth, especially in the urban areas is getting married into Hindu families.
This is especially with clean shaven Sikh boys, apart from the Sikh girls.
They shall be getting absorbed into Hinduism (cf Fox, The Lions of Punjab)
in a short while. The apostasy among the Sikh youth in the countryside is
another post-1994 phenomenon. The failure of Akali Government led by Parkash
Singh Badal in post 1997 era in Punjab is another cause for concern.




VI
The Akali morcha against the Emergency, when the whole of India lay
prostrate before Indira Gandhi and her son Sanjay, was a remarkable affair.
Indira decided to inflict grievous blows pushing the Sikhs outside the
national mainstream, from which it will be difficult for them to get in, if
at all. If was this seesaw battle that caused Indira to inflict one hydel
power award after another, and also clamp a series of crippling blows on
Akalis.
The Akalis came into power after Emergency, but that was a short lived
affair. Indira came back into power in 1980, with the help of a reviving RSS
which backed Indira to the hilt. Indira also made a short shrift of Akalis
in Punjab, and brought Darbar Singh into power, with Zail Singh heading the
Union Home Ministry.
Baba Gurbachan Singh of Sant Nirankaris, Delhi, gave a god sent opportunity
to the Congress(I) to effect a riot between them and Akalis and Kirtni
Jatha, formerly led by Bhai Randhir Singh Ji, a savant, on Baisakhi of 1978.
Earlier, Indira Gandhi through the agencies of Sanjay Gandhi and Giani Zail
Singh had picked up Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale of Chowk Mehta,
Amritsar, a Sikh seminary tracing its origin to Baba Dip Singh. The
objectives of Indira Gandhi, Giani Zail Singh and Sant Bhindranwale were
quite at variance with one another. Somehow, Bhindranwale was involved
against the Nirankaris. Indira’s Congress(I) activists were involved on two
sides to flare up the matter. This happened in Punjab, Delhi, Kanpur, as far
as Bombay. Bhindranwale not knowing Indira Gandhi’s gameplan got involved
into her setup. However, it was not long that he learnt of the real
character of Indira Gandhi. Though he sought to distance himself, he was too
much involved, and throughout the period worked at the instance of
intelligence setups. Indira was a success in causing disruption all around.
Side by side on Baisakhi of 1978 was born Dal Khalsa, a mix set up of former
naxalites, Akhand Kirtni Jatha, and a host of miscellaneous element. This
mixture of Naxalities and Dal Khalsa under patronage of original Panchas
caused havoc. Sant Bhindranwale was Indira Gandhi’s recipe to achieve
incompartible and cross purposes. The Akalis then in power in Punjab and
Janta Party in power at the Centre could not be aware of the doings of
intelligence set ups. President Zia-ul-Haq’s resolution in 1978 in Pakistan
to allow any number of Sikh pilgrims from India came quite handy.
Indira caused disruption in Indian Punjab. By mid-eighty, after she captured
power at the centre, the spread of drug mafia in Punjab by that time had its
impact in a lower Sikh in-take into the armed forces, which even otherwise
was being brought down keeping in view the Sikh population vis-a-vis overall
population in India. Dr. Jagjit Singh Chauhan was another factor who played
into her hands, and had been liberally funded by her. The role played by
Bhindranwale and Dr. Chauhan in Gurdwara elections did not help Congress or
cause any dent to the Akalis in SGPC in 1979.
Bhindranwale’s role in Punjab caused rise of terrorism by October 1981.
Indira played a dubious role in asking for release of Bhindranwale on the
one hand, and playing upon his dubious role to Akalis on the other. By end
of 1981 R.N. Kao of RAW, advised Indira Gandhi that he saw great
potentialities in nascent violence. Indira first worked through Jathedar
Santokh Singh to lower the prestige of Akal Takht in Sikh affairs.
Indira by the time had got reconfirmed her Gangu Brahmin heritage through
independent sources Yaspal Kapur, M.P. Assisted by two-three Kashmiris did
a commendable job at seeing family records at Mattan in Kashmir. She decided
to fight out Akalis. This resulted in her Water and Power Award, and she
forced a morcha on them from village Kapuri, Patiala District, in April
1982. There were incidents of desecration of Hindu and Sikh places of
worship in Amritsar. Swaran Singh drafted for the purpose of effecting a
compromise between Indira and Akalis in October 1982 was a success, but
Indira herself called for Bhajan Lal and had the whole thing torpedoed. She
decided, she cannot trust the Sikhs. Bhajan Lal took it upon himself to
prevent the Sikhs in Punjab from crossing over Haryana, in 1982. The Sikhs
of all hues, Congressmen of vintage of Swaran Singh, Maharaja Amarindar
Singh and Col. Raghbir Singh’s daughter Amarjit Kaur an M.P., were disgraced
while crossing Haryana, and no concession was shown to former Army officers,
or political element from abroad.
What happened to Sikhs at micro level in Haryana was repeated to Sikhs in
Punjab at macro-level since 1982. Bhindranwale was most bitter at the
treatment meted out to the Sikhs. All this shook the Sikhs emotionally and
affected their sense of belonging. Talking of Khalistan now ceased to to be
disrespectful. Indira drew sadistic pleasure at the turnabout. The Dharm
Yudh Morcha of 1982 was the last morcha launched by Akalis. Indira sought to
make it redundant.
The murder of DIG of Police, Jalandhar Range, Avtar Singh Atwal in April
1983 was the handiwork of some government collaborationists. Chief Minister
Darbara Singh was over ruled by Indira Gandhi in flushing out ‘terrorists’
from Golden Temple. Pritam Singh Bhinder, husband of Congress(i) M.P.
Sukhbans Kaur, was now brought out as Inspector General Police, Punjab, to
sharpen the contradictions between Bhindranwale and Akalis. Bhindranwale’s
was a most tormented soul at atrocties meted out to amrit-dhari’ Sikhs. A
couple of engineered incidents followed. By end of 1983 Bhindranwale was
advised to move over to Akal Takht, a la Sant Fateh Singh. He was assisted
in that by Tohra. Indira was now nearer her objectives. By the time, third
Agency was in full control and Indira by June 3, 1984, called on the Army to
take over the situation in Punjab. That marked the beginning of Operation
Blue Star. Earlier, her crony Maj. Gen. Jaswant Singh Bhullar was able to
obtain a letter from Bhindranwale and escaped, with government assistance,
to America where from he set up the World Sikh Council in New York,with the
help of collaborators, to spot out the real protaganists of Khalistan. About
400 inspectors and other officials of RAW in USA and Canada came quite
handy.

VII
It is not the scope of the present paper to go into the details of Operation
Blue Star. Suffice it to say that the treatment meted out to the Sikhs was
worst then meted out to mutineers in 1857. No mercy was shown. Amritsar and
a host of Gurdwaras become target of Operation Blue Star whereas the
surrounding districts came for scrutiny under Operation Wood Rose. Honour of
no one was safe. According to Chand Joshi, who wrote the biography of
Bhindranwale at intelligence organisations instance, 700 troops and 5000
civilians died in Golden Temple complex. Another 1000 Sikhs must have been
killed in Amritsar city, and host of others all over Punjab. General
Sunderjee who led the government assault got new vistas of Bhindranwale’s
heroism, but died a horrible death, being tormented in later life. This
caused no solace to the Sikhs.
The whole affair caused great annoyance to the Sikhs. In sham talks to
pacify them, Indira started relaying Kirtan from Golden Temple from June 8,
and later in a tactical move handed over the Golden Temple complex to the
five high priests. She, however, planned Operation Shanti. from about
November 8 to cause irreparable damage to the Sikhs, but was herself shot
dead on October 31, 1984. Justice Thakker, of Supreme Court, who was
entrusted to look into the performance of various actors, pointed an
accusing finger at R.K. Dhawan, but he got scot free. No one was interested
to find out who were the persons behind her death. The Sikhs - the whole
community, - stood condemned.
This caused a pogrom at Delhi, Bokaro in Bihar, Kanpur in U.P. and a host of
other places, especially the cow belt, all over India. Rajiv himself stood
accused. The efforts of J.F. Ribeiro, Director General Punjab Police, to
have an earnest and thorough examination of the affair fell on deaf ears.
Rajiv was unmoved. Newspapers in Delhi gave horrid details but the work
eventually entrusted to Justice L.N. Misra was a white wash affair, except
that it did identify a host of people from Congress(I) involved in the
mayhem at various places. Rajiv using his mother’s murder won the election
in December 1984 to Parliament.
Meanwhile talks went on and on in Delhi about the withdrawal of 1600 men of
Sikh Light Infantry on Nov. 1, from Delhi to permit the mayhem. How could
Sikhs be permitted to contain anti-Sikh violence ? Then there were numerous
reports available in Gurdwaras for mass circulation. Who are Guilty, by the
Peoples Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) and Peoples Union for Democratic
Rights (PUDR), Truth About Delhi Violence by Citizen for Democracy, and 1984
Carnage in Delhi by PUDR—all non-Hindu set ups. Justice Rangnath Misra of
Supreme Court who was eventually appointed in July 1985 was firstly aware of
the Congress’s reluctance to appoint one, and secondly conscious of his duty
to scuttle the work at various levels, through surrogate organisations like
Citizen Justic Committee, Nagrik Ekta Manch, etc, and, thirdly, was
appointed Chief Justice of Indian Supreme Court, and later eventually
Chairman Human Rights Commission. Such was the price held out to him. No
doubt the withdrawal of Sikh Light Infantry on Nov. 1, 84 was not called
into question, nor the non-arrest of Sajjan Kumar, a Delhi M.P. by the
C.B.I. which rather itself became a prisoner. The principles of secularism
were given the word go by.


VIII
At the time of Rajiv-Longowal Agreement in July 1985, Rajiv rhetorically
asked, “Should we recall (General) Bhullar from America!” Hardly had the
agreement been ratified that Rajiv’s collaborators struck the first nail by
putting in “other factors” in former Supreme Court Judge, more aptly
called, Commission Agent, K.K. Mathew’s terms of reference. And the same
evening, Sant Longowal fell to the bullet of an assassin in village Sherpur,
Sangrur District, an objective not incongruent to that of top Congress(I)
leaders.
Then followed 21 month long tenure of Barnala as Chief Minister. He was in
power till 26 January 1986; and partially till April 1986 when with the
connivance of Central Government, Khalistan was declared, and become
irrevalent in the subsequent period.
He first fell foul of Justice Ajit Singh Bains over release of prisoners and
fell in the hands of police as also Rajiv Gandhi. Then Justice Mathew
maliciously got series of extensions of his commission and eventually
resorted to imbecile orders that became of Kandu Khera Village, his
commission stood aborted. He was not asked to arbitrate but give an award.
He was a slur on Judiciary, but that is the Hindu or Indian way ! Another
sight worth seeing was the effort of Government of India inspired Director,
RAW’s, move to effect through Damdami Taxal the dissolution of SGPC, and
dismissal of Akal Takht and a host of Sikh priests. The spirits of Gangu
Brahmin and (Mahatma) Gandhi stood satiated. A host of so-called gurmattas
were adopted. Thereby began the Government of India’s series of moves which
are still going ahead with the so called Jathedarship of Ranjit Singh and
now surprisinglyPuran Singh, licking the coattails of Sant Samaj, and
causing irreparable damage to Sikhism.
Then followed another Commission Agent, Justice E.S. Venkataramiah to
arbitrate on Punjabi and Hindi speaking villages, and again Justice D.A.
Desai, who was willing to arbitrate in hours (!), but these came to nothing.
According to Nikhil Chakravorty, the three Judges devalued their standing in
the eyes of the public.
Barnala’s experience with other commission, Justice V. Balakriskhna Eradi on
river waters, was no better. It violated nationally and internationally
accepted priciples of rights of riparian states.
I have already mentioned about Misra Commission. Nothing more may be said
about Rajiv-Longowal Accord, except that an accord with all commas and full
stops was brought to nought. Not a single article was implemented in its
true spirit.
Mention may now be made of the Sarbat Khalsa called at Anandpur Sahib by
Giani Kirpal Singh, Head Priest, of the demolished Akal Takht on 26 February
1986. He was explicit that “non-beleivers and naxalites”, through Damdami
Taxal and AISSF had entered the Panth to implement the old conspiracy to
finish off the Sikh religion.
The Damdami Taxal and AISSF headed by end of April 1986 towards declaration
of Khalistan from Darbar Sahib. They had the full support of the Government
of India, and the Indian intelligence set-up. This period saw triangular
interplay of forces, of Sikh militancy, Hindu revivalism, and state
terrorism, to fix the Sikhs. Buta Singh’s, Union Home Ministry played havoc
with the Sikhs and their institutions. This period also saw Barnala’s
Operation Search in Golden Temple Complex and split in Akali Dal. AISSF
split from Damdami Taxal, and asked it to stick only to kar sewa.
Then followed Ribeiro’s running debate with Balwant Singh over the formar’s
indispensibility. This period also saw the Sikhs being termed as terrorists,
and Hindus and police were foremost in taking advantage of it. The militants
continued to play havoc, with changes in Akal Takht and Darbar Sahib. Akali
Dal was in disarray
The emergence of cultural reform movement among the Sikh at Baisakhi of
1987, spearheaded by Khalistan Commando Force caused disarray in the
Government circles. Presidents rule was imposed on May 12, 1987, with
Ribeiro taking over fully. The gun trotting militants were pursued by gun
trotting policemen. Prof. Darshan Singh Ragi who had earlier taken over as
Jathedar, Akal Takht, had become irrelevant. So was the case with Acharya
Sushil Muni’s effort to effect a rapprochement. By the Baisakhi of 1988
Punjab was enterning the field of state terrorism, with K.P.S. Gill in full
command as Director General Police.

IX
The era of K.P.S. Gill from about the spring of 1988 to early 1995 when
supreme Court intervened decisively, with a short break when he took over as
Director General CRPF, was an era of full pledged state terrosim, with
slight variation, because of exigencies of state. He was a Jat Sikh from
Assam Cadre, where he had perfected his mechanism. He regarded every issue
in Punjab as one of law and order, and primarilly between Jat Sikh police
and Jat Sikh countrymen. He perfected a system of terrorism by state when
the policemen by day perfected as brutal criminals by night, and made a
mockery of people’s human rights, or right to life, liberty or civilised
behaviour. Honour of no one was safe, and police got the licence to kill. It
must, however, be stated that it was the Central Burean of Intelligence that
was in command. The real power especially during the peak period, 1992-1995,
operation Rakshan II and thereafter, lay with one O.P. Sharma who later was
Governor in a North-Eastern Province of India. Gill was only a henchman, who
unnecessarily got the credit and gave twist to his moustaches, but made the
police a mercenary force. The importance of Gill lay in the fact that he was
a native to Punjab, and a Sikh by face.
The early period was marked by Operation Black Thunder, when Jasbir Singh
Rode, Akal Takht Jathedar was bluffed, and authorities applied force with
cajolery. A couple of KCF Units and a splinter of militant group were
liquidated. The infiltrators had the hey day. The state terrorists had,
however, to be disbanded.
Prof. Darshan Singh Ragi was again brought back as Chief Priest, Akal Takht.
Punjab was victim of a lack of clear cut policy, when there was killing of
Sikh youth in Karnatka in September 1988 and natural disaster the same month
locally because of heavy rains.
By now Balbir Singh the third accused in Indira Gandhi killing was released
by Supreme Court, whereas Satwant Singh and Kehar Singh were sentenced to
death in August 1988, and hanged in January 1989. Kehar Singh protested his
innocence till the end whereas Satwant Singh was “willing to die again and
again for Akal Takht”. Mercifully, he did not put in a mercy petition.
This time also saw mayhem against the Sikhs in Jammu where Hindus were let
off. And, Punjab saw brutalitices of police and state terrorism. Illegal
dention and elimination of Sikh youth were the order of the day, expecially
since mid-1988. Rajiv, by now, was reconciled to state set ups, and
militancy as a means to finish off the Sikh youth.
The Government went ahead to file false and frivolus reports against
Simranjit Singh, Mann and others. By the time reports by U.S. Senators about
atrocities in Punjab made things difficult. Gobind Ram, S.S.P. Batala came
in for special notice too and Governor conceded that Gobind Ram was among
“three or four” sadist police officers. He at first was transferred and then
done away with officially.
Rajiv Gandhi by November 1989 was defeated and his last act was withdrawal
of false cases against Mann and others.
V.P. Singh’s taking over as P.M. in December 1989, was only an event,
without significant development. Congress obstruction was understandable but
the obstruction by CPM and Jan Singh was too glaring. They held V.P. Singh
by the ropes. Baldev Singh Khudian an Akali M.P.’s murder was glaring,
There was only glib talk, and Mann was left helpless. V.P. Singh’s asking
Mann that his party would not ask for Khalistan in case Punjab Assembly
election was held was one of meanest acts. V.P. Singh later admitted that
his not holding the Provincial Assembly election was the most wrong
decision. The police was back with state terroristic acts, and emerged as
the most preponderant actor.
Chandar Shekhar followed with a most clever device of taking militants into
confidence and letting them lower their security guard. The intelligence
worked on the leads and this caused a number of militants being killed in
early 1989. Mann’s warning came too later.
The Decennial census, 1991, showed that a large body of Sikhs had either
been eliminated or had left the country, to make for a shortfall in Sikh
population in Punjab. Also the number of women in age group 15-35 was far
shorter.
Chander Shekhar government was heading for a fall, but he still played the
Purbea trick to put off the elections to Parliament from Punjab, till
elections in other parts were over. This made for elections in Punjab being
postponed indefinitely. Fake encounters were the order of the day.
After elimination of Rajiv Gandhi, Narasimha Rao took over as P.M. Mann had
been face to face with fake or incorrigible militants and schism from
within.
Then followed the so called unity between Mann and Manjit Singh, a sordid
affair. Narasimha Rao pursued the policy of suppression of the Sikhs, and
Tohra floated the idea of support to “militant Sikh struggle” by boycotting
the forthcoming Punjab assembly elections. This carried the day, while Gill
revamped the police for genocidal purposes, by handpicking police officials
for other provinces or central quota.
By end of 1991 striking terror in villages was the order of the day.
Operation Rakshak II by army meant rape, rapine, torture, and loot by armed
forces, with Punjab police getting the credit for things not done by it.
Gill unnecessarily gave twist to has moustaches but made police as an
organisation rich with ill gotten money, from treasury and from people.
When fear was writ large on the people, the Panthic stalwarts decided to
boycott the provincial election in January 1992. Badal and Mann had been
stampeded to take this decision. Congress felt relieved at Akalis committing
harakiri. The Congress won in Punjab in February 1992 getting under 10 per
cent votes. The police, however, showed its supremecy by arrest of Justice
Ajit Singh Bains and other acts.
Beant Singh’s position was only that of a captive, a tool, or at best a
spectator in the drama. State militants had the hey day. In July-August
1992, a number of militants were eliminated. There were also cases of
mistaken identity. There were a large body of killings. Even Bush
administration in early 1993 mentioned of “significant abuses” by Indian
administrators. Beant Singh managed municipal and panchayat polls with the
help of police and state militants. Further, there was cooperation between
Narasimha Rao and Jan Sangh or Hindutava forces leading to the demolition of
Babri Mosque in December 1992. The greatest event in Punjab was the killing
of Gurbachan Singh Manochahal in February 1993, which yielded good dividends
both to the police and Manjit Singh Akali Dal.
Gill in 1993 raised three killing squads in Punjab with liberty to kill
anyone anywhere. Killings in Rajasthan and Bengal followed.
Then followed the Punjab police’s holding of a caste Hindu lawyer in
September 1993. The Chief Justice of Supreme Court and another Judge bursted
at Punjab police. That, Punjabi Hindu cannot be permitted to be subjected to
“jungle-law” to which the Sikhs were a victim every day. By the time Sikh
rahat maryads came under attack at the hands of Damdami Taksal under
inspiration of Congress (I). Sikh Sants who played a mischievous role by
early 1994 got a boost. President Clinton’s speaking for Sikh rights came as
a booster.
Gill by end 1993 came under attack at the hands not only of Supreme Court
but also Marxist scholars and others. This was followed by opportunistic
Akali unity—the unity of contradictory forces. Tohra, Talwandi, Barnala and
other Akali leaders were in the lead.
The death in an air accident of Governor Surinder Nath showed the huge
amassing of wealth. This was followed by another indictment by Supreme Court
on September 16, 1994, of Punjab Police entrusting Director CBI, to
personally conduct an investigation. The Hindustan Times and other papers
like Statesman took note of K.P.S. Gill’s goings on.
Meanwhile, the Sikh Youth in Punjab started discarding their Kesas, long
hair at head, and also beard, to show their dissociation from Bhindranwale’s
philosophy. Beant Singh was only a captive in this goings on. This caused an
irreparable damage to Sikhism. The murder of Beant Singh, and induction
later of another two Congress Chief Ministers in Punjab only proved an
event. The apostasy in the youth - the children and younger Sikhs - in
Punjab was on its way in a big way, thanks to Government of India’s policy.

X
The Congress lost power at Centre in February 1996. Now it was turn of Janta
Dal, at first under Deva Gowda and later under Inder Kumar Gujral to assume
power. This had the support of all opposition parties except the BJP and
Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab which chose to go with them. The CPM was not a
direct participatory, but their Secretary General, Harkishan Singh Surjit
had his nominee B.S. Ramoowalia in it. He later got a couple of his nominees
as Governors in various Provinces. Congress(I) supported Janta Dal
Governments from outside.
This hotch-potch coalition would have loved to have Shiromani Akali Dal to
go alongwith it. Anyhow, it had a soft corner for the Sikhs in general and
Akalis in particular. There was general measure of goodwill for Punjab which
was reflected in Shiromani Akali Dal’s soft cornar for Inder Kumar Gujral
who was later accommodated against an Akali seat from Jalandhar in Punjab.
Another factor was the holding of general election to the general house of
Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) in the fall of 1996.
The election to SGPC were held under Congress in January 1965, when Fateh
Singh Akali Dal, heavily infiltrated by the Communists and the Congressites,
had made a big dent in Akali Party. The elections were not held after five
years, as Congress at the time was busy in capturing Delhi Gurdwara
Parbandhak Committee under inspiration of Nirlep Kaur, daughter-in-law of
S.B. Ranjit Singh, a Congress(I) M.P. of long standing. She had the support
of toughs from Haryana and Punjab, under the leadership of Baba Virsa Singh,
now running a seminary in Delhi.
At that time, the Shiromani Akali Dal led an agitation against Congress
Government’s designs against Delhi Gurdwaras. Anyhow, a new legislation was
adopted and elections to the new Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee
(DSGMC) held after quite some time. This resulted in postponement of
election to SGPC. Meanwhile, Indira Congress tried its level best to
persuade at first Nirlap Kaur set up and later the DSGMC not to sing the
couplet raj karega khalsa, khalsa shall rule, at the time of Ardas, prayer.
None could agree to that. It had the Dastur-ul-amal adopted by the British
in 1859 before it: it was under this Dastur that the Sikhs had stopped
reciting raj karega khalsa from Darbar Sahib premises, which formed normal
part of Sikh litany from 1710 onwards.
After the death of Sant Fateh Singh and his collaborator Sant Chanan Singh,
Jathedar Gurcharan Singh Tohra seized the Presidentship of the S.G.P.C. in
January 1973. This was a clear victory for Communist and Congressite
infiltrators. It was not long that the Communists, Marxists, and Naxalites
found their place in Gurdwara Administration. (cf Amarjit Kaur, The Punjab
Story, 1984). Thereafter, Gurdwara administration was permitted to stay as
it was in 1973.
The next elections could be held only in 1979 when the centre again had a
non-Congress government. At the time, Tohra was one of three or four power
Centre in post-Fateh Singh Akali Dal. This set up continued for almost 25
years. That constituted a sad commentary on the Sikh polity.
After 1979, now it was only in 1996 that election to SGPC could be held. It
was generally aired that the members and office holders of SGPC would not
hold political offices. That was quite a laudable objective, keeping in view
that Sikh polity had entered multi faceted roles. There was also much talk
about the role of Sikh maryada, and its restoration both among the general
population and amidst the Gurdwara Administration.
I raised my doubts at the annual Conference of the Institute of Sikh Studies
(IOSS) at Chandigarh in 1996. I mentioned of my experience. I said that both
Prof. Manjit Singh, acting Jathedar Akal Takht, and Jathedar Gurcharan Singh
Tohra, President, were not interested in Dharm Prachar. I also mentioned of
their bringing in people of questionable credibility in 1995 World Sikh
Samellan and World Sikh Organisation
S. Kharak Singh, Secretary, IOSS conceded my points but said that he was
very much in the driving seat with the blessings of Jathedar Kewal Singh of
Damdama Sahib. A lot of suggestions were incorporated in the documentation
published by the IOSS. These included re-vamping of the old Karam Singh
Gangawala created literature, giving a new orientation to Khalsa Schools and
Colleges, and dharmik institutions, etc. That would tend to reverse the
general trend towards apostasy witnessed in Punjab since 1994. However, it
was not long that Giani Kewal Singh was hit by the dowry-related suicide by
his daughter-in-law. The story was complete when Tohra extended him full
support. His position was compromised. Similar was the case later with Prof
Manjit Singh, Jathedar Kes Garh Sahib when question about his raising funds
for the residential-project there were raised.
Anyhow, election to SGPC were held in 1996, but the bulk of those elected
belonged to Badal faction, at the cost of Tohra, about which later. It is
another matter that Tohra even after becoming President, SGPC, manoeuvered
to get elected as a member of Rajya Sahha, when Badal was down in New York
with an ailment. He too did not resign from SGPC to which he was committed.
This constitutes the basic part of the conflict between the two.

XI
Now, we may come to the elections to the Punjab Assembly in February 1997,
and the public issues connected therewith. Badal in 1997 won overwhelmingly.
Badal and Mann had been made to boycott the 1992 assembly elections much
against their wishes. That would have warded off a number illeffects,
especially the issue of apostasy since 1994, and much of ill effects of
Gill’s doings. Tohra was one of the few to defend that action, for ulterior
motives.
The election to SGPC in 1996 and to Punjab Assembly in February 1997
affected the power equation in Shiromani Akali Dal to Badal’s favour. Since
the death of Sant Fateh Singh in 1973, Akali Dal had atleast three power
centres - Sant Harchand Singh Longowal whose mantle later fell on Surjit
Singh Barnala, Parkash Singh Badal who had mass base among the Sikh
peasantry, and Gurcharan Singh Tohra who, because of alignment of Communist
and Congress infiltrators and his own innate manoeuvering capacity, kept
control over the SGPC. Talwandi too was a power centre in latter half of
1970s but soon was marginalised. So was the case with Simranjit Singh Mann
who fluttered for a while following 1989 elections but, because of all round
hostility and Hindu chicarny slipped on the wayside. He, however, now is
following a pragmatic approach and is trying to regain his position.
As stated earlier, the SGPC and Punjab Assembly elections adversely affected
the various power centres in Shiromani Akali Dal. These paved the way for
emergence of Badal as the fulcrum of power in SAD and eclipse of Tohra, as
also of Barnala. The power struggle led to a bitter tussle, as Tohra had an
unfinished task before him. It, however, must be stated that all the
Communist infiltrators now were not aligned with Tohra; many of them
continued to align with Badal. They played a leading role in transforming at
first Barnala Akali Dal and later Badal Akali Dal to a Punjabi Party,
hitting at the Sikh base and aspirations.
The adoption of new agenda at Moga in 1998 in suppression of the earlier
plank without much discussion with party cadres signified, one, the party
was ignoring the District Jathedars as a factor in running the provincial
government, and, two, ignoring of cadres as a factor in party processes.
This made Badal Akali Dal to adopt some of the Congress practices, like
giving importance to scions - sons, daughters, sons-in-laws, widows etc. -
of leaders getting party tickets for elections to legislatures including
Parliament. The selection of Badal’s and Talwandi’s sons, Tohra’s
son-in-law, and widows of some who were accommodated in Parliamentary
elections is to be seen in this light. In sharp contrast. Master Tara
Singh’s daughter was accommodated only after his death, and not earlier.
The adoption of Moga platform was preceded by Badal’s seriously compromising
the Akali platform at the time of his assumption of power in February 1997.
The Senior Police Officers had transferred their loyalty to Badal even
before the results were out. They read the writing on the wall and pleaded
that their role in suppressing the Sikhs during the last decade and a half
should be seen in the context of their using excessive force against
Naxalites during Badals earlier tenure as Chief Minister in 1970s. They had
been used by the authorities that were, and that there should be no
victimization. Badals taking cognisance of these facile agruments was at the
root of the problem. He had made up his mind, firstly, to take Maharaja
Ranjit Singh, who had pawned his government to dogras, as a role model.
Secondly, pursuing that course, he looked for a dogra to replace the hated
K.P.S. Gill who, however, continued to enjoy his perks and privileges. BJP,
which shared power, was pleased. The Hindus felt confident. So did the
atrocious police set up which continued its repressive operations, though on
a lower key. The bloated police strength too, remained intact. Still there
were opportunities to arrive at the truth of state terrorism and repression.
My half a dozen letters to Badal that Ranjit Singh during his entire rule
had never sought to know what was true or original Sikhism, much less to
preach it or organise studies in Sikh history or theology were not taken
into account.
Thirdly, Ranjit Singh never trusted his co-religinists, not even his
collaterals, and end results were there for one to see, so on and so forth.
I suggested that instead Badal should opt for the Unionists before
partition, who, despite their own majority, always had one from Hindu
National Party, and a member of the one or the other Sikh group as a
Minister. They also always kept their interests in fine tune. After his
taking over as Chief Minister my letters were not even acknowledged; and I
decided to stop writing to him.
At the time of suicide of Sandhu, a dozen or so police officers were willing
to spill the beans and confess about the state terrorism, but Badal lost the
opportunity.
The specific disowning of Akali Dal manifesto on which Badal had come to
power, and adoption of Punjabi plank, did not signify that Punjabi Hindus
had become Punjabi, that he was willing to ask for transfer of Chandigarh or
left out Punjabi areas to Punjab. He was not willing to own up Punjabi
language with all its consequences. He was not willing to say sorry at his
behavior at the time of Operation Bluestar and subsequent era of state
terrorism. It only signified that the Sikh interests had been sacrificed and
Badal was not willing to even highlight truth by appointing a Truth
Commission as was done in South Africa. The Sikh youth, who were still held
in detention, some on genuine, others on trumped up charges, under TADA
continue to suffer with those in Delhi. U.P., and Rajasthan Jails,
especially suffering discrimination and inhuman treatment as against similar
prisoners from other minorities, say Muslims, in these very Jails. Their
appeals to Human Rights set up has fallen on deaf ears. Despite repeal of
TADA because of Muslim pressure and vote bank, those held under TADA
continue to suffer.
Despite Akali Dal’s unstinted support to 13 months long Vajpayee Government,
till his ouster in a no-confidence motion in April 1999, Akali Dal did not
have a better Sunwai, being heard with patience to set right the wrongs? So
was the position then or even later, when Vajpayee Government won a victory
with a slender majority.
The Akali Dal did not get the satisfaction on Udham Singh Nagar issue,
despite setting up of a 3 member committee and its representative, Barnala,
played a retrogressive role, pleading lack of communication with the
parent-body. Again, when new Akali nominated Governor of Rajasthan,
appointed against the wishes of BJP Chief Minister, Bhairon Singh Sekhawat,
died within months, no substitute could be appointed for obvious reasons.
When a Sikh Director in U.P. was suspended for no fault of his at the
instance of U.P. Chief Minister, Badal’s letter to Kalyan Singh was thrown
into the dustbin : that only showed the lack of regards the U.P. Chief
Minister had for his counterpart in Punjab, having BJP as his partner in the
provincial Government. I would not like to recall the circumstances under
which this director was reinstated. Suffice it to say that when U.P. C.M.
passed orders for his reinstatement, the file was misplaced by his office!
When it surfaced after six weeks, the C.M’s orders were missing. And, the
file had to be reconstructed. No action was taken against any erring member
of the staff. This was a clear case of unnecessary harassment of a Sikh in a
state run by a partner of Akali Dal. On the top of it, L.K. Advani’s Union
Home Ministry angled for a recommendation from Mr. Justice (Retd.) Harbans
Singh, Commissioner for Gurdwara Elections, for amendments to Gurdwara Act
1925, suggesting adverse changes, and that too, to be promulgated through an
Ordinance, i.e., effecting a coup d’tat against a loyal partner in the Union
Government. Badal had to do some tough talking to Advani. Was this the RSS’s
or Rashtriya Sikh Sangat’s hidden agenda? I would not hazard a guess. The
use of Minority Commission in the affairs was deplorable. So was also the
Minority Commission’s setting up of a 5 member committee, all from Delhi, to
give recommendations over the All India Gurdwara Legislation, and that
committee’s meeting for 5 minutes and endorsing the legislation, and later
their going back on it because of wisdom dawning on them!
Even the fundamental right of freedom of religion for the Sikhs under the
constitution is under attack by subtle and not so subtle a manner. Rajiv
Gandhi enacted a legislation in 1989 to make it compulsory for every
scooterist/motorcyclist and those riding pillion seat to wear a helmet.
Exemption was granted to turbaned Sikhs, but not to their women folk. For
several years this legislation remained dormant but suddenly Police started
challaning the Sikh Ladies too. Delhi High Court Judges issued directions to
police to rigorously enforce the legislation, without taking into view that
it violates the Sikhs’ fundamental rights of freedom of religion and
conscience. With Akalis coming into power in Punjab, it was held in abeyance
there, but not in Chandigarh, Delhi, and other places. This is time for
Akalis who form part of Vajpayee Government to have the legislation modified
suitably, granting the Sikh women exemption. This issue too has not been
tackled in a suitable manner, and the BJP Ministers at the center are not
quite amenable to Sikh viewpoint.
Another matter that agitated intellectuals was NCERT’s (Government of India
set up National Council for Educational Research & Training) deplorable
misuse of its school level textbook to carry an attack, blackening the face
of Sikh Gurus. The prescribed text for XI class in its Medieval India was
struck down by Punjab High Court in 1996, when it asked the NCERT to
reconsider the text. The NCERT refused to do so and brought out two more
reprints, and defended its action, when a contempt petition was filed in the
Punjab High Court. NCERT had the full support of the Government of India,
both the Law Ministry and the Education Ministry.
In response to earnest pleas by the aggrieved lawyer, Dr. M.S. Rahi, to the
Sikh scholars to come to his rescue, the author took his pen and filed his
affidavit, tearing the NCERT text to pieces. Dr. Rahi tells me that he put
before the Judges, that NCERT should provide an answer to the points made in
this affidavit. The point is that it has taken four years after the initial
verdict and the matter is yet to be set right; there has been no difference
whether the Union had a Congress Government, one run by various brands of
Janta Dals headed 3rd front Governments, or the one in which Shiromani Akali
Dal was a partner, as was the case with the 13 months long Vajpayee
Government, and as of now. Besides, this type of misrepresentation of Sikh
religion, history and philosophy forms part of Hindu mindset operating under
scholarly pretentions especially in cow-belt area. The anti-Sikh bias in the
cow-belt has come to stay as a continuous factor and equally affects the
Sikh people living outside Punjab. This problem shall be constantly staring
at the Sikhs during the 21st century.
Badal has already virtually dropped Punjab’s various demands and issues
agitating the public mind. Spokesman, Chandigarh, has been raising regularly
and with the force the people’s expectations and resultant frustration.
And then the issue of non-performance came to the fore. Because of
infighting, the elements who did not want to attack Badal directly started
attacking his son, a Minister of State at Centre, presenting him as a
villain for all the ills of Punjab. I don’t live in Punjab and cannot
vouchsafe for the malaise that afflicts the Badal Government. But the
deafening noise in living rooms of people in Chandigarh about the level of
corruption is disconcerting. It is very difficult to arrive at the truth,
but the results of 1999 elections to Lok Sabha, giving the marauding
Congress 8 seats as against zero a year earlier, tell their own tale. Even
Badal during the campaign sought people’s votes in the name of Vajpayee’s
performance, and not his own. That was quite understandable, but people
judged him otherwise. No doubt, apart from rural areas, where marginal
farmers committed suicides under Badal regime without its looking into the
causes thereof, the urban Hindu did not come out to vote. The BJP could not
deliver, or transfer, this time, the Hindu vote. Akali infighting and split
was another factor, though Tohra faction could not save the security
deposits of its candidates.
This makes for Badal Akali Dal’s need for deeper introspection, and
reversing its policies to keep its vote bank intact. In Nawan Shahr in
Februabry 2000 Badal won a resounding victory over Congress which had won
this seat in record number of times since 1947 except once, but the cost of
extending the people a promise for a spectacator performance, which is not
there in other parts of Punjab to be seem. If Badal does not learn his
lesson, the Congress would stage a come back in 2002 with Mann making a big
dent in Sikh vote bank in the first decade of 21st century.

XII
The disarray has affected adversely the Sikh social set up that is equally
fractured in a crisscross manner.
The Singh Sabha movement had laid emphasis on egalitarian character the Sikh
society, as against inbuilt inequalities in Hinduism. The Singh Sabhas also
faced opposition from within. It was the opposition of Granthis etc. of
Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, to accord equal treatment to rahtias who had been
admitted to the fold of Khalsa on taking baptism, amrit, that gave headstart
to the Gurdwara Reform Movement, 1920-25. During this period, the Sikh
movement genuinely became a mass movement, which equally affected all
classes of Sikhs all over Punjab and other parts. Because of antics of M.K.
Gandhi, since his introduction to Sikh affairs at the time of Nankana Sahib
tragedy in 1921, and the doing of Malcolm Haily, the Lt. Governor of Punjab
at the time of culmination of Gurdwara Reform Movement, the Sikh leadership
was split at the hour of their triumph. This retarded the Sikh social
movement, and eventually washed out the gains of Gurdwara Reform Movement.
Today, the caste and class factor in Sikh society is in the forefront,
hitting the Sikh values to the background. In early 1960s it was Punjab
Chief Minister, Partap Singh Kairon, who played on the Jat culture and was a
success in causing a cleavage in the Shiromani Akali Dal with Jats and
non-Jats as determining factors. Tara Singh had earlier committed a cardinal
mistake by catapulating Sant Fateh Singh, then a non-entity into the center
stage by nominating him as his alter ego. Sant Fateh Singh not only fell to
the trap of Jat. non-Jat laid for him by Kairon; his coming up in hierarchy
also gave vent to the dormant Sants or Sant Smaj, who by end of the century
have mushroomed all over Punjab. It also signified that Akali leadership
remained in the hands of semi-literate classes, without much understanding
of the social milieu, to which the community was being pushed by the Green
Revolution, and the opportunities for migration abroad, especially Americas
and Europe. This emigre community needed a different type of treatment.
Now, by end of the century, these divisions in the community are hitting at
the vitals of Sikh ethos. Apart from Jat non-Jat factors, the divisions
among Jats - Mujhails, Doabias, Malwais - are disturbing factors. These
cannot be ignored, and have rather become a part of mindset of a lot of
Jat-Sikhs, the dominant section of Sikh society. Jats, non-Jats or Khatris,
Aroras, Ramgarhias, Ahluwalias, or Mazhbi non-mazhbi factors are not
relevant for being a Sikh or a Gursikh, and are non-essential in character.
I need not dilate on it any further.
I may now mention of new factor of suicides by marginal farmers along with
their families that has come up in the Sikh society. These farmers faced
economic hardship that drove them to suicides. This indicated failure of
Sikh values of rendering assistance/help to their brethren (Dan dio inhi ko
bhalo, Sev kari inhi ki bhavat) and directly hit at Sikh ethos. I don’t know
their level of education, whether they used to go to Gurdwara or not for
obeisance, or whether at any time in their life including childhood they
recited Japji or even Waheguru, Waheguru. Whatever the case was, this
signified, for the first time in Sikh history, that Sikh spirit, atleast in
these persons, died. This was in sharp contrast to the Sikh spirit in the
18th century, when despite Mir Mannu, the Sikhs kept lofty spirits. Not any
more.
The fact that Department of Sociology of Punjab University conducted a study
has been most perfunctory, and did not go into various vitals. Nonetheless,
it is a welcome development.
The fact that Sikh spirit died in these cases needed more communal concern
among the Sikh people. Despite these serious developments, none of the
Jathedars, whether of Akal Takht or two others in Punjab, was bothered at
introduction of this new phenomenon in Sikh ethos. Not even the numerous
head Granthis, or others. Not even the numerous members of SGPC, or local
Gurdwara committees, not to talk of any government agency like Department of
Economic Inquiry of Punjab Government, being run by Shiromani Akali Dal.
This all around negligence, to say the least, has been criminal in character
and strikes at the basics of Sikhism, and at the roots of Sikh polity or
political processes.
There has been widespread talk of the use of wine and other malpractices
associated with electoral process in India during the 1996 elections to the
SGPC, and later Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee. The shine of Sikh
character has taken a beating. The articles on the subject by S. Bhagwant
Singh Dalawari of Tapovan serve as a continuous warning signal and prick our
conscience. Notwithstanding, this damning habit in the Sikh society in
Punjab, where wine has been mentioned as the sixth river of Punjab, has not
persuaded Mr. Justice (Retd.) Harbans Singh to propose that drinking should
be removed as a disqualifying factor for membership of the SGPC. Tomorrow,
some one will ask for allowing drunkards to be permitted as Granthis and
Jathedars, some of whom have already shown themselves as power drunk, rather
than being naam drunk.
This issue shall have to be taken more carefully by the Sikhs of 21st
century keeping in view the Gurbani and Rehatnamas which atleast spell out
the Sikh practices in the 18th century. It can be said without fear of
contradiction that drinking is not one of the four taboos prescribed at the
time of taking Khalsa baptism, amrit; permitting laity a moderate dose of
drink is one thing, permitting Granthis and those in Gurdwara management is
quite another.



XIII
The tercentenary celebrations of embodiment of Khalsa in 1999 were a wash
out. There was a lot of enthusiasm among the people, which petered out
because of lack of imaginative response from the organizers. Tohra had, to
begin with, given a correct lead when he spoke of making every Sikh an
amritdhari, baptized, and constructing memorial at Anandpur Sahib, which
would be visible from Sirhind. This was not acceptable to Harkishan Singh
Surjeet who looked upon these objectives as a great hindrance to the
communist objectives of gaining a stranglehold on Sikhism in Punjab. Whether
at Surjeet’s instance or on his own, one does not know, Tohra from a
particular date in 1998, stopped talking about these objectives.
The Anandpur Sahib Foundation, to organize the celebration of the
tercentenary of embodiment of Khalsa, was a topsy turvy set up, a reflection
fo 1995 established World Sikh Organization (WSO) which contained a hotch
potch of individuals who during their life time have done nothing for the
Sikh ideals. Since the people at the helm lacked vision, and were either
those who had collaborated with the hostile forces, or otherwise had no
sense of belonging, if not hostility, to the Sikh aspirations, the
celebrations in April 1999 at Anandpur Sahib were anticlimax. A Spokesman
Bureau Report surmised that if Beant Singh, whom I had mentioned of as a
robot (Cf. The Sikhs in History, New York, 1995 : Delhi, 1999) had been in
power, he would have honoured the same set of people as was done in April,
1999. No Sikh theologian, kirtni jatha, kathakar, or the personages of
Institute of Sikh Studies, Chandigarh, who had done their optimum to stem
the McLeodian onslaught, including the disinformation and misinformation
about Sikhism in various Encyclopedias, nor the California Group with Dr.
J.S. Mann in the lead which organised a number of seminars to reverse the
McLeodian bakwas was shown any accommodation.
The Jathedars played havoc with Sikh institutions. To begin with, there is
no scope for clergy in Sikh faith. But by their actions, our Jathedars have
shown high pretensions. Besides the issuing of Hukamnamah over langar issue
in Canada and that too in a hush-hush manner, was to create schism in Sikh
Panth and ground the impact of tercentenary celebrations. This issue came up
before them through the hostile elements at the instance of extraneous
forces. The contention that Hukamnamah once issued cannot be taken back
flies in face of the reversal in 1995 of the 1887 Hukamnamah against Prof.
Gurmukh Singh. Jathedars failed miserably over Tohra’s appearing at
Nirankari Bhawan issue, and criminally falsified the records and gave a
perverse, if not malicious, verdict. In the process, they lowered their
dignity and showed themselves to be men of straw. When need arose, even Guru
Gobind Singh, for lowering an arrow at Dadu’s grave, had been adequately
punished by the Khalsa under the leadership of Bhai Daya Singh. But not
Jathedar Tohra who himself should have decried the verdict, instead of
manoeuvering for a clean acquittal.
The whole institution of the Jathedars or head priests and their issuing
Hukamnamahs needs to be put back on rails, as was the institution during
1925-85. As I suggested in my paper “Akal Takht Jathedar in Historical
Perspective” at an earlier seminar (and printed in the Abstract of Sikh
Studies issue of July 1999) no Jathedar should be less than 60 years of age,
and Akal Takht Jathedar of minimum 65 years of age - a person who has
settled his children, set up a house for family needs, and is not in need of
earning funds to meet his worldly requirements. Besides, this should be a
term appointment. This will mean replacement of all present Jathedars.
Another aspect that needs to be highlighted is that in view of the Sikh
Diaspora, Akal Takht Jathedar should be a person of high educational
attainments, who is well versed in comparative religious studies, has a wide
outlook, and is a man of vision. To find such a person it will not be
necessary to confine the choice to existing “priestly” class. There is no
priestly class in Sikhism.
The broadcasting of Gurbani through Punjabi TV channel was a positive act of
the closing facet of the Tohra Presidency. But this ran for a short while
and was closed. Some people told me that some government agencies were
behind the move, as they felt that would be an agent for Sikh revivalism.
Frankly speaking, I am not fully conversant with the whole development and
would not like to pass a hasty judgement. But the restarting of the
broadcasting of Gubani from Darbar Sahib will be a step in the right
direction, will help ingrain Sikh values in the Sikh community, and will
help the community to be tied to the mainstream, at the cost of desperate
elements.
There has been failure all around, especially since 1947. One who
participated in the Gurdwara Reform Movement in 1920s was administered
baptism, to make him a better Sikh. But this did not happen to participants
in various morchas launched by Akali Dal, or movements led by it, with the
result that the Sikh ethos which constituted the core of Akali Dal got
entwined. Hence, Bhindranwale’s movement Nashe chhado, Singh sajo, amrit
chhako, and later apostasy in a big way since 1994.
The emergence of Sants and Sant Babas as a factor in Sikh dharma and spread
of the so-called Sant Smaj deras in rural Punjab, almost in every village,
constitutes a serious threat to Sikh values. Prior to 1849 annexation of
Punjab, there was no Sant in Sikh Dharma. Bhai Mani Singh, Akali Phula
Singh, Bhai Santokh Singh, Giani Sardul Singh are some of the well known
names of that period. The Sant system is upsurge of latter half of the 19th
century. Probably, Sant Attar Singh of Mastuana was the first nirmala to
assume the title of Sant. He conducted whirlwind tour of Punjab and outside,
and travelled very widely to administer amrit, baptism, to the Sikhs,
according to gur maryada. I have heard my elders, for whom I have great
respect, to speak highly of him. A perusal of his biography by Sant Teja
Singh or its abridged version by S. Ardaman Singh makes one bow his head to
him in reverence. Nonetheless, I still feel whether it was Sant Attar Singh
or Sant Jawala Singh or others, who were pioneers in assuming the title of
Sant were in the wrong from Sikh viewpoint as it reflected the impact of
Hinduism on Sikhism. But others who followed them and set up their own
maryada and sewaki, and especially the present lot is out and out anti Sikh
in content and spirit.
One of Sant Sampardaya having widespread network in Punjab and operating
internationally in the diaspora, running educational institutions, has its
chief representatives convicted and expelled from USA, Canada, Malaysia, and
Australia because of their sexual exploits and other demoralizing acts. The
disclosures made in Sant Sipahi of February 1994 is damning. So are the
continuous disclosures by the Sikh set ups in USA and Canada.
The activity of bulk of Sant Sampardayas having widespread deras are
demeaning. They are not creating Sikhs of Guru Nanak-Guru Gobind Singh, but
are subverting their fealty to make their own sewak-Sikhs. They are more
like Hindu Jagat-Gurus and their followers will constitute half-way house
towards the vast ocean of Hinduism.
To me, the present day Sants marauding in Punjab villages are worse than
masands, some of whom were burnt alive by Guru Gobind Singh when he had
abolished the masand system. Akal Takht’s acknowledgement of Sant Smaj is a
reactionary step, fraught with dangerous propensities. They have no role at
all in Sikhism as envisaged by the Sikh Gurus. If the Sikhism is to survive
as a vibrant faith in accordance with the teachings of the Sikh Gurus, the
Sant Smaj shall have to be clipped and made harmless. There can be no
compromise on that.
The Sant Smaj constitutes the single most threat to Sikhism, which the Sikhs
in the 21st century shall have to face.

XIV
Following is a paper presented by me at All India Gurdwara Legislation on
5-6 December 1999, at a day’s notice.
The scene opens in February 1997, when Institute of Sikh Studies, (IOSS),
Chandigarh, decides on the theme of the forthcoming Annual Seminar
(scheduled for October) as All India Gurdwara Legislation, despite
opposition by certain members. This must have been at the instance of
certain powerful characters.
One, February 1997, Devagowda is Prime Minister. CPM is not participant in
the Government, but their General Secretary, Harkishan Singh Surjeet, is a
powerful factor. His nominee Balwant Singh Ramoowalia, Cabinet Minister, and
a self-confessed Communist of two generations, is No. 2 in ranking. He also
gets a couple of nominees appointed as Governors.
Two, another character is J. Harbans Singh who delivers Key Note address on
All India Gurdwara Legislation (AIGL) at the seminar in October 97. This
places him as a hyperactive ingredient.
Third character comes up as Jathedar Gurcharan Singh Tohra, President, SGPC,
Amritsar, who offers the IOSS Rs. 15 lakhs for this dirty or not so dirty (I
should not pass a judgement) job.
By the time, IOSS Annual Conference is held in October 1997, Inder Kumar
Gujral is P.M. But this marks no change in character of the Union
Government.
Now, we come to the second set of facts disclosed by three leading members
of IOSS. A Committee including J. Harbans Singh is constituted. J. Harbans
Singh’s draft legislation is discussed with both President and Secretary but
both deny any knowledge, untruthfully. This signified that there was
something fishy, something to suppress, something undesirable; it comes out
that J. Harbans Singh had sent the draft legislation to the Union Government
in 1999 without taking into consulation SGPC. Why ? Because there is change
of guard : Bibi Jagir Kaur replaces Tohra. In this context, please place the
plea of Singh Sahib Bhai Ranjit Singh to maintain the status quo till April
1999.
Time, 1999: there is change in Union Government’s character. BJP- led
government is in power : Lal Krishan Advani is Union Home Minister, when J.
Harbans Singh suggests promulgation of AIGL through ordinance. By now,
Government is overthrown in a motion of no-confidence. The attempt to effect
a coup d’etat against the Sikh nation or the Sikh people stands thwarted.
The BJP Government involves the Sikh member of Minority Commission (a
nominee of Surjeet) into AIGL to give it legitimacy.
The point that emerges is, what is the common denominator between the Left
or CPM inspired move to bind hand and foot the Sikh people through AIGL, and
the BJP. What they share among themselves ? No speaker yesterday, or today,
has spoken about the objectives of the Rashtrya Sikh Sangat. There is no
denial about their efforts to denigrade the Sikh history, religion and
philosophy, the same way the pseudo-leftists and pseudo-secularists, placed
at a position of vantage by the Congress Government in various universities
etc. have been doing since mid 1960s.
The points that I did not make at the seminar were as follows:
1. If Harkishan Singh Surjeet of CPM had the levers of power in 1999, the
ordinance on All India Gurdwara Legislation would have been promulgated.
2. Tohra would have emerged stronger and on the top.
3. Bhai Ranjit Singh would have gained through chicanery.
4. Justice Harbans Singh might have been offered Governorship of a province,
if not something finer under the new Gurdwara dispensation, or something
still better.
5. The older personnel of the IOSS would have gained at least monetarily, if
not by other processes.
Badal’s move to scuttle the Gurdwara legislation, and BJP’s necessity to
wait for the fresh elections being held, and the thin margin, prevented a
coup d’etat for the time being.




XV
It seems that the things have already come to a confrontation. The
hukamnamah issued at Guna on January 25, 2000 in Madhya Pradesh by Jathedar
Puran Singh, Head Priest, Akal Takht, with the cooperation of four amrit
dhari Sikhs, to use the Chinese phraseology, a hukamnamah by a Joker and ‘a
gang of four’. What was the need for Puran Singh to do so? Who are these
four who have ganged up? What is their authority ? Do they quote Sant
Samaj’s biddings? What is the locus standi of Sant Smaj in Akal Takht ? Do
they abide by the rahat maryada of Akal Takht ? If not, why ? Do they abide
by their fealty or supremacy of Guru Nanak-Guru Gobind Singh or of Adi Guru
Granth Sahib as the eternal Guru of the Sikhs ? Do they disown their past ?
If no, who are they to intervene in the matter ? Also at issue is Puran
Singh’s comptetence or otherwise to interpret Sikhism ? He seems to know
very little, if at all. A number of Sikh institutions have come out against
both Puran Singh and ‘the gang of four’. Puran Singh has now appealed to
extraneous authorities, Punjab’s Chief Minister, and Disciplinary Adviser of
Akali Dal to intervene in the matter. I have already advised Bibi Jagir Kaur
to dismiss this Jathedar, and solve the matter. Already, some head priests
have pointed out to Puran Singh’s punishment for malfeasance in 1981 which
disqualifies him from holding the post !
The Akal Takht must be restored to maryada as it existed before 1985. All
post 1986 accretions of Jathedar’s being hand in glove with the head either
of RAW, or of R.S.S., must be put to an end.
Sikhism is facing a period of crisis, and at the moment, it is surrounded on
all sides by hostile forces who are out to tear it down. Panthic forces are
to be seen no where, with people aligned to the Communists, Congressites,
Sant Babas, Punjabiat in name of anti Sikhism or non-Sikhism being at the
helm of affairs, and a youth widely avowing apostasy.
Will Sikhism go down in Indian history like Buddhism as a once upon time
affairs with people still seen in foreign lands, or is it going to assert
its pristine purity ? It must be remembered that Sikhism in foreign lands
will not be able to maintain its pristine character once it is overwelmed in
India. The situation is quite grim and needs a thought provoking action.
I have just heard (28 March) that Bibi Jagir Kaur, President, SGPC and the
executive have acted and sacked Jathedar Puran Singh by replacing him with
an acting Jathedar. This was not unxepected. Mr. Joginder Singh Vedanti has
not unlegitimately upturned all his predecessors decisions taken since
January 25, 2000. This shows that earlier contentions that earlier
hukamnamahs cannot be reversed are based on wrong premises.
May one hope that Akal Takht shall hencefort follow a correct lead, and
play a construtive role?
The Supreme Court, in a historic Judgment, has now held Adi Sri Guru Granth
Sahib as the ‘juristic person’, as the sole successor of Guru Nanak-Guru
Gobind Singh. The SGPC has been the main appellent party. This gives it the
right and power to put malcontents including the Sant Smaj in proper
perspective.

ote>

The Edge - " HIM "

THE EDGE – “HIM’’


Competition is defined as a struggle, a rivalry, and a contest for some prize, honor, or advantage. There are a number of ways to give yourself an advantage, or an edge on the athletic field - one is by out working your opponent; being in great physical shape, being as strong as possible, and being technically sharp. There are other methods to gain an edge over the competition such as developing tactics and strategies, strong mental skills, and self-confidence in your abilities. Competition is not just playing a game any more; it had evolved into a technical science.

Yet, there are still athletes who look for an edge in all the wrong places... Not too long ago the beloved Chicago Cub slugger Sammy Sosa was caught with a corked bat in during a game - a clear violation of the rules. Why would anyone cork a bat? To gain an advantage - a hitter with the density of a heavier bat while maintaining the speed of a lighter bat has in fact a weapon that will propel the ball faster, and farther.
Unfortunately baseball has a history cheating. Pitchers throw spitballs, scuff balls with thumbtacks, or rub them with sandpaper. One Yankee player admitted to putting "super balls" inside his bat. There was the Black Sox scandal to "throw" the World Series in 1919, and teams have been known to steal signs with cameras from the outfield bleachers or scoreboards. Yes, the American past time is looking more like corporate America all the time. One former big leaguer, now in the front office of a major league team said this week, "All players are looking for an edge. It's the same way now as when I played. It is all about getting an edge, which is why guys use things like steroids, amphetamines, or corked bats. It is too bad that for so long we have overlooked that greatest edge of all. What is it you ask? It is a personal relationship with the Master Coach, “GOD ‘
God's perspective on winning and losing is different from the world's interpretation of them. As you make God's perspective yours, you will be free to always do the best you are capable of doing, regardless of the circumstances. Here is a this training tip, "And whatever you do in word or deed, do all in the name of the GOD, giving thanks to God the Father."
The phrase "whatever you do" includes everything you do in your role as an athlete, or as a coach. How are you to do it? You do it all "in the name of the GOD." This phrase means you are totally representing GOD by saying and doing only those things He would say or do in that situation. It is living and competing with a "What Would GOD do" attitude. It means you are to have His attitude in everything you do in your athletic performance!
You can see how important it is to know Him. Without knowing GOD, you cannot consistently have His attitude or know His game plan. To gain the real edge, you need to be a student of GOD, HIS tactics and strategies give you a lasting advantage. HE is filled with motivational advice. HE is filled with truth that you can count on. As you know the Master Coach in a personal way, you will be free to play, not perform. The pressure to please the world is off. Now you will be able to play for an audience of one. You can step up to the plate full of peace and confidence, using your talents to their fullest.
Looking for an edge? Look to “HIM’’.

Pioson Pen Hero - Tara Hayer

HERO WITH A POISON PEN
- TARA HAYER



Hero with a poison pen: Murdered newspaper editor described as meddlesome troublemaker:
Salim Jiwa. The Province. Vancouver, B.C.:May 23, 1999. p. A24
Author(s):Salim Jiwa
Document types:Feature; Profile
Section:News
Publication title:The Province. Vancouver, B.C.: May 23, 1999. pg. A.24
Source type:Newspaper

Until now, Sikh newspaper editor Tara Singh Hayer, who was gunned down outside his Surrey home last November, has been described by mainstream media as a peace-loving moderate in the style of Mahatma Gandhi.
For his devotion to "tolerance, peace and understanding," he was awarded the Order of B.C. after an attempt on his life in 1988.
But when The Province's Salim Jiwa examined Hayer's writings in the Punjabi-language Indo-Canadian Times, he found the radical views of a militant with little regard for truth and accuracy.
Vancouver lawyer Russ Chamberlain doesn't pull his punches when describing slain Sikh publisher and editor Tara Singh Hayer.
He calls him a troublemaker who had no regard for the truth.
The lawyer had a unique opportunity to look into Hayer's work while defending a Quesnel Sikh who sued Hayer for libel and won almost $60,000 in 1996.
Chamberlain is not alone in his assessment of Hayer. Many Sikhs agree the man described as a moderate was in fact a radical. A peace lover he was not.
They say the "moderate" label was applied by mainstream newspaper reporters who never read a word of what Hayer wrote week after week in his Punjabi-language newspaper, the Indo-Canadian Times.
"He was no moderate; he had no regard for the truth," Chamberlain said. "He was a shit-disturber, he was meddlesome and divided the community, and he held extremist views."
Chamberlain represented one of the victims of Hayer's poisonous pen, Quesnel motel owner Gurnek Singh Sull, who for two years beginning in 1991 was president of the Quesnel Sikh temple.
Sull's world was turned upside down when a report in the Indo- Canadian Times suggested he had taken $7,000 from temple coffers for his personal use.
The report was a lie.
When Sull tried in 1996 to collect the libel award, Hayer transferred his home into his wife's name, saying he was repaying a debt.
Sull eventually collected after Hayer won a settlement with a Punjabi-language newspaper run by rival Sikh separatists in Vancouver.
He says Hayer's unverified article was painful.
It was "total slander," he said. "It was very bad, devastating, but I got justice from the court."
Samples of Hayer's writings over 15 years prove the contention of many Sikhs that he picked fights with people from all walks of life and had little regard for accuracy and fairness. His writings were often vindictive and abusive.
First and foremost, Hayer was a Sikh separatist, and one of the founders of the movement.
He picked his first fights with Sikhs whose only fault was that they did not want to see India split into regions based on religion.
One victim of Hayer's abuse was soft-spoken and respected Punjabi poet Gurcharan Rampuri.
After a visit to India during the tumultuous early 1980s, with Sikh militancy on the rise, Rampuri gave a speech in which he accused the Indo-Canadian Times of supporting the demand for Khalistan.
Based on Hayer's history and his articles, there is no doubt that this was a true statement.
What was astonishing was Hayer's published reaction.
He wrote: "Gurcharan Rampuri, a half-witted, foolish protester who is trying to mouth some rhyming, has decreed that the newspaper, Indo-Canadian Times, is a proponent of Khalistan.
"But his silly eye and many hermaphrodites like him cannot see that we publish news of all classes . . . I ask all hermaphrodites, beggarly frivolous persons and the foolish, that they should but give one example [of bias in favour of Khalistan]."
Rampuri was so offended that he filed a lawsuit, one of at least 18 relating to Hayer on file at the B.C. Supreme Court. About a dozen concern what Hayer wrote about others. The rest were filed by Hayer against people who retaliated in rival newspapers to what he had written about them.
Rampuri, now 70, said he dropped the lawsuit in 1988 after Hayer was shot by a Sikh youth from whom Hayer had extracted tawdry family secrets. The editor published the details because he believed the youth's father, a devoted Sikh, was an Indian government agent.
Rampuri says he was baffled when the mainstream media called the shooting an attack by militants against the voice of moderation. He blames a falling out among militants for the shooting, which left Hayer paralysed from the waist down.
Moderate "was a label of convenience you guys in the media attached to him," Rampuri said.
A Punjabi writers' group, Rampuri among them, wrote to several reporters outlining the role Hayer had played in causing dissent in the community and the glorification of terrorists.
The writers' group said: "Mr. Hayer has been portrayed as a moderate Sikh who opposes violent means to achieve Khalistan, the separate Sikh state. The attack on him is seen as an attack on moderation and democracy.
"Mr. Hayer consistently ridiculed the moderate Sikhs and supported extremist actions and glamourized militant activities.
"For example, the title pages of two recent issues of the Indo- Canadian Times carried full-page colour portraits of two well-known extremist Sikh leaders killed in India. They were portrayed as martyrs by the paper."
One of the pictures was that of Khalistan Commando Force chief Gen. Labh Singh, a notorious terrorist accused of extreme violence by the government of India.
The caption under the picture of the general said he "was martyred during the Khalistan struggle."
The Indian government knew the Khalistan Commando Force as a ruthless terrorist organization. It was notorious for massacring whole families in Punjab and tagging victims with numbers to indicate the death toll.
Hayer once published a letter that accused a Sikh employee of the post office of abusing his sick leave to holiday in India.
The postal employee sued for libel, and won.
The devoted Sikh told the court the lie caused him so much shame that he avoided the temple for a year.
B.C. Supreme Court Justice David Vickers said the libellous letter to the editor had been doctored and the name of a fictitious person had been signed to it.
"The defendant's publication of an anonymous letter in circumstances which I have described was grossly negligent, irresponsible and lacked journalistic integrity," said Vickers in awarding $30,000 to the plaintiff in January 1994.
Vickers called Hayer's refusal to publish an apology "malicious."
Profile of Tara Singh Hayer.